Fire for the future: governance of market-based savanna fire management projects in Arnhem Land, northern Australia
Taegan Calnan A C * , Dean Yibarbuk B and Jeremy Russell-Smith AA
B
C
Abstract
Developing effective participatory community-based governance is a key challenge for delivering equitable outcomes in market-based carbon and ecosystem services projects.
To explore Indigenous participants’ perspectives concerning implementation of representative community-based governance model for the longest running and largest market-based savanna fire management (SFM) project in northern Australia, the Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (ALFA) projects.
The study employed semi-structured interviews conducted between 2020–2022 exploring governance priorities and outcomes with 20 Indigenous participants occupying ALFA project leadership positions.
The ALFA governance model, involving participation of Indigenous Ranger Groups (IRGs) and representation of traditional Landowners as Directors on an entirely Indigenous-led Board, was considered to provide effective SFM project oversight and broader community acceptance. Identified benefits included supporting local cultural fire and land management responsibilities, regional networking, collective decision-making for benefit-sharing arrangements. Expressed concerns included potential for external IRG hosting institutions to diminish decision-making responsibilities of traditional Landowners, and preference for local IRG’s to strengthen links to traditional Landowners to promote broad community benefits.
The principles of the Indigenous representative and participatory ALFA governance model serve as an instructive example for local communities in other regional settings seeking to leverage emergent development opportunities through ecosystem service economies.
Keywords: carbon markets, ecosystem services, Indigenous enterprise development, intercultural governance, multi-level governance, nature-based solutions, remote Australian community development, third space governance.
Introduction
Nature-based mitigation projects provide a core solution to protect and manage greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and carbon pools, critical for transitioning to a safe and sustainable climate (IPCC 2021). Indeed, all pathways modelled to limit warming to 1.5–2°C require effective mitigation outcomes and management change (Griscom et al. 2017). However, the potential for such projects to contribute to the disempowerment of Indigenous peoples and local communities through continuing neo-colonial relations, has forced a growing remit to generate a complex suite of co-benefits including livelihood reform, poverty reduction, biodiversity, climate adaptation, Indigenous rights and effective governance outcomes (Fairhead et al. 2014; Dehm 2021). While there is a clear opportunity and need for Indigenous Landowners to benefit from the undertaking of market-based climate mitigation initiatives, effective community engagement with such projects requires assembling appropriate intercultural governance institutions to support and manage local priorities in novel and complex market and global accounting settings (Mistry et al. 2019; Zulu et al. 2020; Dehm 2021).
This challenge is currently playing out across large parts of especially northern and central Australia where Indigenous (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) peoples have substantial and growing tenure interests in lands and seas. Indigenous land rights, native title and interests now apply across 57% of the Australian land mass, with this area projected to increase further (Indigenous Carbon Industry Network 2024). In sparsely settled northern Australia, Indigenous legal rights and interests currently cover 75% of the terrestrial estate (Jacobsen et al. 2020). Economic opportunities for Indigenous people with tenure rights in remote regions include maintenance of ongoing customary activities, State provision of services, welfare and employment support, and typically limited opportunities for market engagement (Altman 2010; Sangha et al. 2020). Despite prevailing assimilative pressure within Australian Indigenous affairs policy, many First Nation peoples have implacably maintained their commitment to customary economies and governance systems (Graham and Brigg 2023). The emergence of a global low-carbon economy and Australian Government policy, encouraging engagement with emissions abatement and carbon sequestration activities, has created the opportunity for ecosystem service markets to align with Indigenous development priorities (Morrison et al. 2019).
Under Australia’s regulated carbon market, currently called the Australian Carbon Credit Unit (ACCU) Scheme, 34 Savanna Fire Management (SFM) GHG emissions abatement projects operate on Indigenous-held lands across 18 million ha in northern Australia as of 2024 (Indigenous Carbon Industry Network 2024). The latest iteration of the SFM method, due for release in 2025, is expected to open up significant additional biomass sequestration opportunities substantially increasing the availability of ACCUs (Murphy et al. 2023).
The longest-running commercial SFM project was established in 2006 over 28,000 km2 in the western Arnhem Land region of northern Australia (see Fig. 1). Application of the SFM method is founded on customary Aboriginal seasonal mosaic burning practices that help reduce late dry season wildfire emissions (Yibarbuk et al. 2001; Russell-Smith et al. 2009). Based on the success of this initial Western Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (WALFA) project, a broader regional multi-level governance institution called Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (ALFA) NT (a company limited by guarantee) was established in 2013 (Altman et al. 2020).
Map of Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (NT) project areas in 2022, West Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (WALFA); Central Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (CALFA); North-East Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (NEALFA); South-East Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (SEALFA) and South-East Arnhem Land Fire Abatement 2 (SEALFA 2).
This paper focuses on lessons from the development of regional Indigenous organisational governance arrangements for successfully undertaking market-based savanna burning projects covering an area greater than 80,000 km2 of the Aboriginal-owned Arnhem Land Aboriginal Land Trust (Altman et al. 2020). Arnhem Land has a majority Indigenous population (86%), with high cultural, linguistic and biological diversity in the region, high rates of unemployment (25%) and a young median age (28 years) (Altman 2003; Australian Bureau of Statistics 2021). Developing effective community-based governance arrangements on Indigenous-held lands has proven to be a significant challenge in establishing and undertaking savanna fire management across both northern Australia (Austin et al. 2018, 2019; James et al. 2019; Kerins and Green 2019) and in other global settings (Mistry et al. 2019; Vazquez-Maguirre 2020; Zulu et al. 2020).
Based on interviews with Indigenous community leaders involved with governance of SFM projects currently undertaken in Arnhem Land, we seek to address three questions informed by Indigenous perspectives: (1) what outcomes from SFM projects are helping to drive local engagement in project activities; (2) how do project governance arrangements support or detract from these project outcomes; (3) what are the future priorities of Landowners participating in these projects? This contribution aims to promote better understanding of significant benefits involved with enabling effective participation of Indigenous peoples in market-based carbon and nature-based solutions markets.
Methods
Governance can be defined as ‘who decides what the objectives are, what to do to pursue them and with what means’, ‘how those decisions are taken’ and ‘who is (or should be) held accountable’ (Borrini-Feyerabend and Hill 2015, p. 171). Demonstrating ‘two-way’ governance that allows for Indigenous and Western ways of knowing to co-exist is required for project outcomes to be meaningful, with the authority of each knowledge system maintained as separate, and a shared hybrid ‘third space’ created to allow for exchange (Bhabha 2012; Frith 2014). With the establishment of a State-led accounting system for the SFM projects, concerns regarding eroded Indigenous autonomy and the entanglement of knowledge systems required by ‘two-way’ SFM projects were raised, querying how the production of Indigenous-led SFM governance would be enabled given the intrusive nature of the State in Aboriginal livelihoods (Fache and Moizo 2015; Petty et al. 2015). Effective third spaces for intercultural governance seek to minimise the power imbalances between Indigenous Australians and actors of the encapsulating State by including Indigenous decision-making norms, with ‘leaching’ or ‘weaving’ of translated Western and Indigenous knowledge systems to navigate hybrid outcomes (Marika et al. 2009; Tengö et al. 2012).
ALFA reflects the cultural and social context of Arnhem Land in its organisational structure, a region of 97,000 km2 where 86% of the 15,000 residents are Indigenous (Australian Bureau Statistics, 2021). The Aboriginal Land Rights Act (1976), a tenure applied to limited Indigenous-held areas in Australia’s Northern Territory, grants freehold communal tenure to Indigenous landowners in the region, administered through regional statutory authority, Northern Land Council. Since late 1990s, Indigenous Ranger Groups (IRGs) have been established across Arnhem Land, mostly via federal State funding, to create employment through land management activities. The governance structures of IRG’s varies, impacting the degree of Landowner involvement and local Indigenous decision making in project activities. ALFA functions to contract existing IRGs to perform operational fire management activities for SFM projects, leverage resources and capacities across scales, and link Arnhem Land Landowners and IRGs with the carbon market (Epstein et al. 2015).
The SFM industry is based on abstract measurements of GHG emissions, reliant on remote sensing measurements and sophisticated accounting techniques to calculate abatement and sequestration outcomes. These features require SFM projects to comply with complex regulatory arrangements to ensure the integrity of the project measurements. To register with the Australian Government’s Clean Energy Regulator (CER), several elements are required for SFM projects: (1) demonstrated land tenure that assigns carbon rights; (2) a system to account for emissions abatement; (3) finance to establish projects; (4) effective operational procedures; and (5) control and access to the project area for fire management. For details on ALFA’s corporate structure and operations, see Ansell et al. (2020) and Altman et al. (2020).
GHG emissions abatement and carbon sequestration projects provide market incentives and necessitate regulated accounting architectures to underpin natural resource management. Organisations such as ALFA must coordinate landscape-scale fire management across jurisdictions, navigate emerging trade-offs between individual Landowner and IRG interests, and allocate benefits and costs among diverse actors in alignment with the norms and expectations of project owners and managers (Cumming et al. 2020).
Study methodology
This inductive research study employed semi-structured interviews to explore governance priorities and outcomes with Indigenous ALFA leaders. The study invokes a hybrid focus, assuming individual agency and macro social, technological, and political influences determining outcomes. We endeavour to understand how leaders of Arnhem Land SFM projects interpret their current governance situation and how this contributes to or diminishes their aspirations for SFM Projects (Sovacool et al. 2018). All data collection and analysis was undertaken by Calnan, supervisised by Russell-Smith. Yibarbuk was interviewed as a research participant. Dean Yibarbuk is Chair for Warddeken, Director for Nawarddeken Academy, Director for Arnhem Land Fire Abatement NT (ALFANT) Board, Co-chair for Karkkad Kandji Trust and Co-chair for Indigenous Carbon Industry Network. To avoid multicollinearity in the research outcomes (Rovai et al. 2013), Yibarbuk has not contributed to data collection (beyond interview participation) or analysis. Authorship is in recognition of research guidance within Arnhem Land and ensuring appropriate articulation of the research.
Interviewees for this study comprised ALFA Directors and leaders from three IRGs that undertake associated fire management operations. As the longest participating project employing a formal SFM method in the ACCU Scheme, ALFA has established a unique governance system that accommodates the capacity and economies of scale required for market engagement, with ‘third space’ governance attributes to manage intersections with the neoliberal carbon market, State institutions, and Aboriginal politico-cultural priorities (Bumpus and Liverman 2008; Hill et al. 2012; Spaargaren and Mol 2013; Frith 2014). The interview participants in this research are Aboriginal Landowners with regional cultural responsibilities who hold leadership positions at various levels across the SFM governance ecosystem.
This mixed-methods research draws on 20 formal semi-structured interviews conducted in 2020, 2021 and 2022 with Arnhem Land leaders of mature (>5 years) SFM projects. Interview questions are given in Supplementary Material S1. Research proposal presentations were conducted and agreements signed through 2019–2020. This included a process for reviewing and assessing Indigenous Cultural & Intellectual Property (ICIP) issues, and review of subsequent outputs by interview contributors prior to publication. Table 1. outlines terms likely unfamiliar to a broader audience. All participant IRGs were invited at the initiation of the research to establish a Research Agreement to engage and contribute to the research. No locally hosted IRGs engaged with the research beyond ALFA Director interviews, with independent IRG perspectives overrepresented in the interviews and remotely hosted IRGs underrepresented (Table 2). Distinctions between IRG governance arrangements are explored further in Results and discussion.
Term | Definition | |
---|---|---|
Aboriginal/Indigenous/First Nations | The terms Aboriginal, Indigenous and First Nation peoples are used interchangeably to refer to the people living on the Australian mainland continent prior to European colonisation. These terms are capitalised as a mark of respect. | |
Country | The term Country is used by Aboriginal people in Australia to describe a place - land, water, sea or sky - with which a person has interdependent and reciprocal relationships and responsibilities toward, which are sustained through cultural knowledge and practice (based on Davis 2019, p. 320). Country is capitalised in this article to indicate its status as a proper noun in this context. | |
Independent IRG | An IRG is defined as independent if they are an incorporated organisation with membership based on the operational area of the IRG, whose corporate objective is primarily land management. Board oversight is provided by Landowners who have customary relationships and responsibilities within the IRG operational area. | |
Indigenous Ranger Group (IRG) | First established in the 1980s, Indigenous Ranger Groups offer Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people employment opportunities on Country, utilising cultural and environmental knowledge for land management activities (Wright et al. 2021). | |
Landowner/traditional owner | This term is used in this article to refer to Aboriginal people who have customary responsibilities toward land, sea or sky. To accord with Aboriginal governance requirements they should be involved in decision making about the area they have responsibilities toward. This includes the role of Traditional Owner as recognised by the Aboriginal Land Rights Act (1976) as well as Djunkayi (land manager) and other roles with relational responsibilities for the management of Country. | |
Locally hosted IRG | Local host organisations are based in a township in the operational area of the IRG and administer the funds for the IRG. These organisations often have broad corporate objectives and a diverse Board that may or may not include Landowners within the operational area of the IRG. | |
Place-based | The term ‘place-based’ is used to emphasise the centrality of place to Indigenous identity, described by Kombu Merri woman Mary Graham ‘[place] is the fundamental existential quantifier: it informs us of where we are at any time, thereby at the same time informing us who we are’ (Graham 2009). | |
Ranger/land manager | Due to overlap between land manager/Djunkayi as a term to describe a cultural relationship for Aboriginal people in Arnhem Land to a place and land manager/Ranger to describe people employed to undertake land management, ‘Ranger’ is used to describe people who undertake land management for employment in this article. The term ‘Landowner’ is used to describe people with reciprocal cultural responsibilities to a place, including Djunkayi and Traditional Owner. | |
Remotely hosted IRG | A remote host organisation is based in the regional centre with statutory obligations toward Landowners and Indigenous development in the region. Broad statutory objectives include land management and community and enterprise development, with decision-making often made through bureaucratic processes. Board-level representation is at a regional scale with little authority in the organisation for Landowners at the operational scale of an IRG. |
Types of IRG governance arrangement among ALFA Board of Directors | % IRG contracted by ALFA with relevant governance arrangement (2021 n = 9) | % Interview participants from each IRG governance arrangement (n = 20) | |
---|---|---|---|
Independent IRG | 33% (n = 3) | 40% (n = 8) | |
Locally hosted IRG | 44% (n = 4) | 45% (n = 9) | |
Remotely hosted IRG | 22% (n = 2) | 15% (n = 3) |
Interviews were conducted between the corresponding author and ALFA Directors and leaders nominated by their relevant organisation between October 2020 and December 2022. Questions were asked in standard English, with answers including Kriol input. In leadership roles, the interview participants are skilled cross-cultural communicators. The corresponding author has substantial experience communicating cross culturally in northern Australia. Of the 20 interviews conducted, six interviews were conducted between the researcher and the interviewee alone. Four interviews with two people present at the interview and three people present in two interviews were completed. Interview attendance individually or in a group was self-selected according to interviewees’ preferences. Responses were often discussed in collaboration and confirmed in the interviewee’s first language and translated into English. Research questions are provided in Supplementary Material S1.
Interview participants were predominantly men (85%, n = 17), with only three women interviewed. While acknowledging that this dilutes Arnhem Land women leaders’ perspectives regarding SFM project governance, it is beyond the scope of this study to explore whether this gender bias affects the outcomes of SFM projects. The issue warrants further research given the rapid expansion of regional Women’s IRGs (Burke and Atkinson 2021). A new method recognising additional carbon sequestration is anticipated but not yet released at time of publication. There was minimal change in leadership roles during the research. ACCU production and prices varied during the research; seasonal and policy fluctuation both buffet the industry regularly. No policy shifts that affected ground scale governance occurred during the research, though COVID pandemic procedures had some effect on conduct of project operations (ALFA (Arnhem Land Fire Abatement NT Ltd) 2021; ALFA (Arnhem Land Fire Abatement NT Ltd) 2022; ALFA (Arnhem Land Fire Abatement NT Ltd) 2023). The focus on ground scale governance processes within mature projects (>5 years) reflects the impact of broad industry forces in research outcomes, without amplifying the impact of variation occurring within the research window.
Only interview participants from locally hosted entities chose to be interviewed together. Interview participants representing independent and remote-hosted entities chose to be interviewed separately. Themes were attributed to all participants when multiple participants were present in an interview. This likely inflates the perspective of the locally hosted participants within interview data. Due to the small sample size and the consistency of interview responses, assembled data have not been stratified beyond ‘whole of Arnhem Land’ perspectives in SFM project governance. Thematic analysis of interview transcripts was undertaken with manifest and latent themes coded iteratively to distil common themes across interviews (Shackleton et al. 2021). Idiosyncratic contributions in interviews were iteratively removed from emergent themes to focus on shared governance perspectives within interviews.
In December 2023, results of the paper were presented to ALFA Board members to inform interviewees of research progress and elicit feedback from interviewees.
Ethics
Human Ethics Clearance was obtained in August 2020 from the Charles Darwin University Human Ethics Committee. Mimal Land Management, Warddeken Land Management, South East Arnhem Land IPA Committee (via Northern Land Council) and ALFA NT established research agreements with the authors to conduct this research. Alfred Rickson, Clarry Rogers, Clive Nunggulallu, Conrad Marlangurra, Dean Yibarbuk, Felina Campion, Gladys Malibirr, Jethro Guymala, Leon Lawrence, Lirrpiya Mununggurr, Norrie Martin Redford, Otto Campion, Robert Redford, Shaun Narmanyilk, Shane Wuthurra, Steven Andrews, Terrah Guymala, Tony Walla, Victor Rostron and Winston Thompson participated in the interviews that inform this article. The manuscript was shared in written and verbal formats with research partners for review before publication. ALFA NT CEO provided editorial comments on the manuscript. All interviewees provided informed consent for the use of interview data in this manuscript. Authors declare no conflicts of interest (financial or non-financial). Two peer reviewers improved the manuscript appreciably, thanks for their valued input.
Results
Which outcomes from savanna fire management projects drive engagement in SFM projects?
Arnhem Land leaders identified the following as valued outcomes from SFM Projects (see Table 3), using categories loosely drawn from Cornell and Kalt (1998), Altman et al. (2020).
Valued outcomes | Politico-cultural | Social | Economic | Environmental | # Participants to nominate outcome | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
% n = 20 & (# references all interviews combined) | ||||||
Increased intergenerational transfer of Aboriginal knowledge | 80% (25) | |||||
Improved access to Country | 80% (20) | |||||
Improved networks & communications across Arnhem Land | 75% (18) | |||||
Increased practice of culture | 70% (19) | |||||
Increased education & training | 60% (8) | |||||
Increased employment | 55% (20) | |||||
Healthier Country | 55% (29) | |||||
Improved equipment & infrastructure | 45% (11) | |||||
Increased discretionary funds | 30% (14) |
The number of interview participants who mentioned the outcome and the number of references to the outcome as a sum across all interviews are outlined in the right-hand column of the Table. Outcomes are ranked according to their prevalence across interviews.
“When we fly up, up in the air, when I see the land, it break my heart, you know. Even when I’m flying along the coast, make me feel really proud. Yeah. That’s what I love. I love everything in this job.” Clive Nunggulallu, ALFA Director and Ranger for Numburindi Rangers.
Rangers receive increased employment, training opportunities, and access to Country and Indigenous Ecological Knowledge transfer opportunities during project operations. With cultural, environmental, and economic outcomes, Landowners also receive positive outcomes from SFM Projects. Improved access to Country, improved productivity of the land, and improved spiritual health through knowing their land was cared for, were valued outcomes. Pre-season consultations to confirm permission for burning create casual employment opportunities for Landowners. Landowners are also encouraged to accompany Rangers as casual employees to undertake or oversee the burning on their estates.
Partnerships between IRGs, Landowners, and community members to conduct fire education about effects of late season fire, and culture camps (where intergenerational groups spend time together on Country to practice and transfer cultural knowledge, e.g. Palmer et al. 2006) are positive outcomes from the projects. These partnerships strengthen community governance more broadly through improved communications between organisations and groups within a traditional tenure area.
Partnerships with neighbouring IRGs are valued highly. Working together on late-season fire fronts, sharing the costs of helicopters to manage shared boundary areas, and working together to plan the fire season are all mentioned as positive contributions of partnerships. Interviewees referred to strong relationships and networks across Arnhem Land as a strength in undertaking projects. Relationships and intermarriages between people across language groups and different estates result in a network with strong shared norms within and between projects.
External partnerships with conservation estate neighbours, pastoralists, the regional fire management authority (Bushfires NT), and intermediary organisations providing support and extension services for SFM projects – including ALFA – were mentioned for their operational support and the experience and insight they contribute to fire management.
Distribution of benefits from ALFA from 2015 to 2024 has been in accordance with its status as a not-for-profit charity (Table 4). Funds remaining after operations and administration by ALFA are distributed via a grant system to each IRG. IRGs submit a grant proposal and budget aligning with ALFA’s corporate objectives for funding approval (Supplementary Material S2).
Distribution of income from SFM projects | Politico-cultural | Social | Economic | Environmental | % participants describing where money from their SFM project goes | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
n = 20 (# references all interviews combined) | ||||||
Reinvestment into SFM projects | 40% (8) | |||||
IRG employment | 35% (7) | |||||
Landowner casual employment | 25% (7) |
The corporate objectives create a clear scope for the ALFA Board and delivery of benefit distribution. Reinvestment into SFM Projects and strengthening IRGs has been a high priority for all partners to ensure sustainability of operations and the business. Rock art programs, women’s ranger programs, expanded IRG employment, community-led schools, outstations in previously inaccessible areas, culture camps to important sites, and improved land management training programs, have been wholly or partially supported through discretionary ALFA funding.
How do project arrangements support or detract from project outcomes?
The emergence of the Indigenous land and sea management industry and subsequent development of savanna fire management projects for GHG mitigation were attributed to the leadership and vision of Arnhem Land Landowners. The support of Aboriginal leadership, past and present, in establishing these industries and the pride in the positive outcomes they had achieved for their people and Country, was expressed in more than half of the interviews (60%, n = 20). The ownership of knowledge production contributing to the SFM Method was attributed to long-standing Aboriginal ecological knowledge of fire. The sense of ownership regarding architecture of the carbon projects (45%, n = 24), and its alignment with the cultural priorities of Landowners, creates legitimacy for the projects enabling many positive project outcomes.
Principles for decision-making about SFM projects were discussed in most interviews (55%, n = 31). Landowners have final authority for decision-making, and disputes are avoided through delay of final decisions until there is an opportunity for more discussion. Senior Rangers play a critical role, acting as a knowledge link between Rangers and Landowners, coordinating the fire project’s cultural responsibilities, ensuring operational activities align with cultural practices, and supporting the next generation of land managers to learn their responsibilities. Although the value of partnerships is recognised, interview participants emphasised that place-based culturally informed decision-making strengthens projects.
In accordance with cultural protocols described by interviewees, permission from the relevant Landowner is required for anyone wanting to access or manage a particular area. Undertaking SFM projects in Arnhem Land relies on IRGs engaging appropriately with Landowners to receive and maintain operational approval. Often Rangers are themselves Landowners and, therefore, may be able to speak for some areas the IRG is responsible for managing. Other non-Landowner community members can also be Rangers. Where Landowners are not Rangers, consultation and instructions must occur before land management work is undertaken on their estates.
From interviews, the main drivers for Landowners agreeing to SFM projects were improved environmental health of their estates, increased bush foods availability under good fire management, and improved access to their estates through casual employment (Table 3). Rangers were accountable to Landowners for the health of Country after burning by arranging visits for Landowners to their Country/estates, improving the availability and delivery of bush foods to Landowners when Rangers were on their Country, and bringing back photos to demonstrate that burning had been conducted in a manner approved by the Landowner.
Funding through engagement with the carbon market has enabled the expansion and support of landscape fire management operations and strengthened the IRGs capacity through developing infrastructure, employment and training. During this research nine IRGs in the Arnhem Land area were engaged with SFM projects. Primarily funded through Federal Government grants, IRGs employ community members and ‘Ranger Coordinator’ supervisorial positions (Fig. 2). Ranger Coordinators are also responsible for engaging with external partnership organisations to align funding, permits and program delivery.
Conceptual illustration of IRG–Landowner boundary with Senior Ranger performing inward facing role and Ranger Coordinator liaising with actors external to the IRG, Landowner and community members. Rangers may be Landowners or community members. LO = Landowner; CM = Community Member; SR = Senior Ranger; RC = Ranger Coordinator.
The relationship between IRGs and Landowners was described as follows by Clarry Rogers, Senior Ranger with Yugul Mangi Rangers, and a Director on the ALFA Board:
“Communicating with T.O.s…they above us, we underneath them. And more communication, more agreements, the better…As the Rangers, we did control the fire…but the control of the plan was back to the T.O.s. They have the final say: we should go there or not…and communication before the (SFM) project was the T.O.s would say: ‘you can’t go there, it’s my land’. We just kept on talking, inviting them to come and talk…
they just sort of step back a bit and let us do what we’re supposed to do. They were giving us authority.…you’re the guys do the burning, we’ll sit down and watch… we’ll watch you like an eagle. If you’re doing wrong things, we will know. We be notified by the old people: you’re doing the wrong thing.”
The Senior Ranger ensures that cultural responsibilities associated with land management activities are undertaken appropriately, with no dedicated funding as per the Ranger Coordinator position. Responsibilities of a Senior Ranger may include consulting Landowners to provide control and access to land for SFM projects, ensuring the right people for a relevant estate are informed and invited to become involved in any work happening on their estate, and maximising opportunities for intergenerational knowledge transfer. Fig. 2 illustrates conceptual relationships between IRGs, Landowners, and community members. One of the interviewed Arnhem Land leaders was previously a Ranger Coordinator and had since moved to the Senior Ranger role. As Senior Ranger, they found this role with focus on integrating cultural practices into IRG activities and ensuring the intergenerational transfer of knowledge more satisfying than the Ranger Coordinator role with its focus on administration and maintenance of largely external relationships. Conversely, another interview participant planned to leave the Senior Ranger role to fill the Ranger Coordinator role and was concerned about who would be available to undertake the cultural aspects of managing the IRG. In one of the locally hosted groups without a Senior Ranger position, interview participants complained that the newly arrived non-Indigenous Ranger Coordinator did not know any of the cultural protocols and was not including the right people in consultations. This had reduced project casual employment opportunities and omitted Landowners from fire planning processes.
When asked about poor outcomes or factors thwarting outcomes from SFM projects, people were reluctant to discuss problems; interview participants were uniformly optimistic. Nonetheless, in discussing project details, themes emerged across interviews about issues that detract from project outcomes (Table 5).
Issues that detract from SFM project outcomes | Politico-cultural | Social | Economic | Environmental | % Participants raised theme n = 20 (# references all interviews combined) | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Decision-making without Landowner & IRG consultation | 80% (20) | |||||
Late dry season burning | 50% (17) |
Fire has deep cultural significance to Aboriginal people across Arnhem Land. In addition to using fire for cultural purposes, the application of fire can improve access to the Country for hunting and harvesting, which can incentivise the use of fire outside of the IRG fire management program. Sometimes, this is done by Landowners; at other times, it can be community members with no recognised cultural authority to burn but with a wish to hunt in or access an area. Late dry season fires are an issue of concern as they can have damaging environmental, cultural and carbon abatement outcomes. These fires may have anthropogenic or natural ignition sources, and preventing their spread is difficult in the late dry season due to hot, dry and often windy conditions. While cool season mosaic burning remains the primary defence to limit the extent of late-season fires, wildfire suppression techniques are undertaken across Arnhem Land to defend and reinforce existing already burnt areas. These fire suppression techniques require the use of helicopters to fly to fire fronts and drop on-ground personnel with backpack leaf blowers to extinguish active fires. This requires high levels of organisation, resourcing, rapid deployment and specialised skills. There is recognised value in suppressing wildfires to reduce biodiversity impacts and retain carbon stores, but it is an expensive and relatively high-risk activity.
Landowners retain the right to burn their own estate as per legislation (Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976), and the negotiated agreement between IRGs and Landowners for control and access to an estate for savanna fire management does not include an obligation on behalf of the Landowners not to burn.
Education programs within townships about the costs of late season burning and encouraging fire management to remain limited to IRGs were suggested as potential solutions by interview participants. Some interviewees see non-Landowners abstaining from burning as a test of cultural respect and lament the lack of respect displayed when community members initiate late season burns for hunting or recreational purposes, especially on Country that is not theirs. An alternative solution proposed in the interviews was payment directly to Landowners to disperse the benefits from the project and encourage Landowners to enforce their cultural authority more directly to achieve a cohesive whole-of-community approach to fire management.
The lack of Landowner oversight of land management decisions was seen as a barrier to positive SFM project outcomes for 80% of interview participants. Land management and culture are strongly intertwined in Arnhem Land, but this is not always reflected in organisational structures. As outlined in the principles of governance for SFM projects, ideally Landowners have oversight of all land management activities. This oversight is often difficult to enact due to IRGs being hosted by existing township entities or managed by remote host entities with limited objectives regarding land management matters or with limited capacity to support IRGs creating strong links with Landowners.
A lack of focus on land management activities by local and remote hosts reduces the capacity of IRGs to prioritise cultural practice in land management activities and to achieve priorities in carbon abatement projects. Host entities that administer IRG grants and have executive responsibilities often provide diluted attention to land management priorities given other competing responsibilities. The management team within local host organisations can also have varying levels of sympathy or interest in land management priorities, with little accountability to Landowners for program outcomes. As a result, IRGs fluctuate in their capacity to support cultural practice, depending on their host entity’s current priorities and staffing capability, which in turn can reduce the capacity of both Rangers and Landowners to influence Project outcomes.
Three models exist within the Arnhem Land region for hosting IRGs and for collective decision-making about land management as described below (see Fig. 3). These models are analysed and compared using three governance attributes identifed in interviews that support SFM project success. Attributes include (1) membership at place-based scales with processes for participation and representation; (2) corporate objectives and processes to establish SFM Project development, reinvestment and benefit distribution priorities; and (3) active promotion of Landowner–IRG relationship to maintain connection between legal right (Landowners) and project operations (IRG). The ability of independent land management organisations to focus on land management and the priorities of Landowners was emphasised in interviews. It was noted that both locally and remotely hosted organisations had numerous other roles to undertake and were sometimes not willing or able to pursue the requests of Landowners or IRGs regarding land management priorities. Interview participants noted that discretionary funding and additional capacity built through SFM projects, both through externally recruited roles and through the enhanced leadership of Landowners, have enabled the three independent land management organisations to be established.
Conceptual model of relationship between Landowners, Indigenous Ranger Group and other non-land management related tasks in independent land management entity.
Three of the nine IRGs contracted by ALFA to undertake SFM project operations are independent land management organisations. Discretionary income available from SFM projects has been essential to these organisations for accessing required capital to establish independent organisations. These organisations enable frequent communication between Landowners and IRGs, with clear oversight of the operations and organisational management by Landowners in the region. This gives Landowners the opportunity to make decisions about land management issues in their region and how funding for and from land management activities is invested. It also requires that appropriate resources – operational, administrative and business, are available for the organisation to remain sustainable.
Four of the nine IRG’s contracted to ALFA for SFM operations have an existing local auspicing entity to enable IRG grant funding administration – a local organisation in a township within or adjacent to the operational area of the IRG. The dashed lines in Fig. 4. indicate the variability in the arrangements of these organisations. (1) membership of the organisation may be place-based, but processes for representation or participation can be absent or insufficient for the cultural nuances of land management activities; (2) these entities may/may not have objectives and processes to ensure IRG development, reinvestment or benefit distribution; (3) a lack of clear objectives and competing interests within the organisation may diminish capacity to foster active Landowner-IRG relationships, risking weak links between project legal right and operations. The organisations often have limited capacity to undertake core responsibilities and are stretched to administer IRGs with their additional operational and SFM business complexity. Interview participants believed that strong interaction between Landowners and Rangers within locally hosted IRGs and reinvestment into SFM projects is required to achieve desired operational and subsequent cultural, economic, social and environmental outcomes (25%, n = 6).
Conceptual model of relationship between Landowners and Indigenous Ranger Group and other non-land management related tasks in local host entity.
Two of the nine IRGs contracted by ALFA to undertake SFM project operations are remotely hosted by the Northern Land Council1 (see Fig. 5). The geographical distance between the administrative centre in Darwin and operations in Arnhem Land is substantial (>600 km). (1) membership at place-based scale with processes for participation and representation is established through local IPA Committee. The committee’s ability to inform operational, administrative and business priorities of the SFM project is limited; (2) corporate objectives and processes to establish SFM project development, reinvestment and benefit distribution exist, but can be difficult for local IPA Committee to influence; (3) active promotion of Landowner–IRG relationship to maintain connection between legal right and project operations is undertaken by local IPA committee. A Landowner Committee is established to facilitate communication between IRGs and Landowners to oversee social, cultural and environmental project outcomes. Interview participants noted that although they make decisions about land management activities, decisions about money are made remotely with limited influence from Landowners and IRGs (10%, n = 2). This curtails many of the politico-cultural outcomes generated by SFM projects in alternative IRG governance arrangements.
Conceptual model of relationship between Landowners and Indigenous Ranger Group and other non-land management related tasks in remote host entity.
ALFA acts as an aggregating intermediary, accommodating various models of collective choice within the contracted IRGs at the administrative and operational scales of SFM Projects. The capacity to undertake complex business and administrative roles where land management activities intersect with carbon accounting and market exchanges is centralised in ALFA. To remain legitimate in such a powerful brokering role, ALFA is governed by a Board of Directors comprising representatives from a suite of ‘Wards’ that represent the operational area of participating IRGs (Fig. 6). Members (who must be Landowners from a designated Ward region in Arnhem Land) elect two Directors for 3 years. As well as ensuring that each Ward member is familiar with business and administration arrangements, this structure enables Landowners to have equal participatory project oversight despite the diverse governance structures of respective IRGs. This allows for cross-pollination of ideas between IRGs across Arnhem Land and facilitates Landowner access to external networks and opportunities that may not be possible within regional IRG governance arrangements.
Priorities for the future: which direction do the ALFA Board and Arnhem Land leaders want to go?
Interview participants’ highest future priority was ensuring that Aboriginal cultural knowledge is effectively transferred to future generations. Increasing Aboriginal leadership opportunities, expanding land and sea management IRGs, and improving access to local training, employment, and enterprise options, were all seen as developments that would enable young people to stay in their region and learn and practice culture (see Table 6).
Future priorities | Politico-cultural | Social | Economic | Environmental | % Participants raised theme n = 20 (# references all interviews combined) | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Ensuring intergenerational transfer of Aboriginal knowledge | 45% (8) | |||||
Increase Aboriginal leadership in the SFM projects and beyond | 35% (9) | |||||
Improving decision-making for land management by involving Landowners in IRGs | 35% (9) | |||||
Strengthen and expand IRGs | 25% (12) | |||||
Increase training, employment, and enterprise to improve local opportunities for future generations | 20% (9) | |||||
Work towards a ‘good life’ | 10% (9) |
People seek a culturally meaningful scale of decision-making for their land management entities. Interview participants seek to vest agency and decision-making in people with a cultural responsibility to influence decision-making about their Country. Incorporating cultural knowledge into operations and imbuing land management with opportunities for cultural practice and transfer was a high priority for interview participants.
Priorities for the future distribution of surplus income were divergent, including perspectives on direct payments to individuals. Two interview participants believed benefit should be gained from a more focused individual enterprise than fire management – tourism, for example – where the operator is paid for their work, or a Landowner is paid for direct extractive land use. Alternatively, another interview participant said that, once affordable, direct payment from SFM projects to Landowners is an essential condition for sustainable project management.
Many of the future priorities listed can be interpreted as an umbrella concept for a ‘good life’: ensuring future generations have opportunities to learn and lead with a strong knowledge of Aboriginal culture, strengthening IRGs to support the positive outcomes they deliver to people and Country, and engaging with training, employment, and enterprise options to develop viable livelihoods for people in their region. The achievement of these priorities requires the agency to make decisions at a scale that respects people–place relationships and promotes bespoke local benefits.
Discussion
Valued outcomes from SFM projects in Arnhem Land
Access to the carbon market in Arnhem Land has improved Indigenous livelihoods by expanding Indigenous land and sea management activities to achieve emissions abatement. The improved health of Country and the subsequent increase in bushfoods also incentivise Landowner engagement and the iterative approval required from Landowners to undertake burning for SFM projects. This improves food security in remote communities where high rates of food insecurity (31% of Indigenous adults) are experienced compared to all Australians (3.1%) (Ferguson et al. 2017). Casual employment opportunities and access to Country during consultations and operations also provide cultural, social and economic outcomes for Landowners. As the methodological opportunities expand, delivering a royalty directly to Landowners may influence how and why Landowners engage with SFM projects in the future, challenging Western perceptions of Indigenous market engagement (Li 2010; Collins and Norman 2018).
The practice, maintenance and transfer of cultural outcomes from land management activities drive the Arnhem Land leaders we interviewed to continue their engagement with SFM projects. Establishing and fostering effective relationships between IRGs and Landowners is the primary mechanism for SFM projects to ensure control and access to land required for the SFM project operations. Host entities that cannot deliver Landowner priorities through IRG programs were seen to compromise the quality of SFM projects, undermining many cultural, social, environmental, and economic opportunities for IRGs and Landowners in their region. The program may be jeopardised if Landowners become sufficiently disaffected with outcomes and withdraw their consent.
Governance arrangements that support or detract from project outcomes
ALFA has established a multi-level governance ecosystem for SFM projects across Arnhem Land to manage the distinct engagement requirements of the region’s customary, State and market economies. Participatory processes across and between governance levels facilitate consultation and information flow through the network, increasing the legitimacy, connectivity and resilience of both ALFA and IRGs (Sullivan 2006; Hunt 2008). The representative ALFA Board of Directors oversees the business and administration aspects of the organisation and strengthens information flow by enabling Board–IRG–Landowner communications. The ALFA structure enables flexible articulation with carbon market requirements while reducing market exposure risks. Introducing a sequestration component to the SFM Method will increase the need for strategic risk management in nature-based carbon projects, with longer-term carbon pool maintenance commitments and the increased magnitude of carbon involved. The autonomy of the IRGs within the ALFA group model enables each IRG to deliver locally distinct politico-cultural, social and environmental project outcomes through place-based decision-making with Landowners in their operational spheres.
The annual processes of participatory planning and assessment of the fire season at both IRG and ALFA scales have strengthened community governance processes of consultation, information sharing, and permission getting across Arnhem Land (Sullivan 2006; Hunt 2008). The practical SFM project requirements for consultation and communications amongst Landowners, IRGs and community members have improved information flows within the community.
Late dry season burning undertaken by community members remains a vexing issue for the SFM projects. Landowners have the authority to burn on their Country under the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976, and both through formal consent processes and subsequent consultations with IRGs, Landowners are included in fire consultations, planning and operations where practicable. Community members accessing land for hunting or other purposes sometimes ignite culturally unauthorised and destructive late-season fires. Ongoing education and communication about fire impacts and the roles of SFM project activities in reducing damage are necessary to promote community understanding and cohesion regarding the use of fire in the landscape. Concern that local governance practices might be co-opted to incentivise burning within the technically constructed SFM ‘early dry season’ window and discourage ‘late season’ burning to maximise carbon and subsequent economic outcomes, potentially trading off alternative politico-cultural or environmental outcomes, was not apparent in this study (Agrawal 2005). Here, the primary concern with late dry season fires was that people without the relevant cultural authority are lighting fires. This is considered disrespectful toward respective Landowners and IRGs that have worked hard to establish trust and respect for the role of fire in the landscape.
Leadership and capacity in the ALFA network: sites of tension for two-way governance
“When we sit in that Board for another organisation, we got power. We’re the ones that gonna make decision, which is what we want. Land management, it’s different… we’re managing land so that people can live healthy life”. Terrah Guymalah, ALFA Director and Senior Ranger, Warddeken Land Management.
Greater Aboriginal leadership within the Arnhem Land SFM projects is a priority for interview participants. Despite nearly 50 years of State policies of self-determination following State and Church-based Aboriginal welfare policies, the emergence of a non-Aboriginal administrative class has become established in Indigenous organisations (Cowlishaw 1999). Due to the embedded nature of the State in Aboriginal people’s lives throughout the Welfare period, it has been mooted that the State has largely prescribed the pathway to self-determination to ensure the achievement of government, rather than Indigenous, priorities (Batty 2005). The potential for the ecosystem service economy to trap Indigenous people in the ‘required performance of environmental stewardship’, a globally circulated narrative regarding the cultural imperatives of Indigenous people which defines and constrains aspirations for self-definition and self-determination, underscores the need for greater Aboriginal leadership in Aboriginal development, where two-way knowledge can assess Western and Indigenous Knowledge binaries and elect pathways toward preferred economic development outcomes (Birrell et al. 2012; Langton 2013; Li 2014; Woodward 2019).
The adoption by ALFA of a representative Board of Directors comprised of Landowners elected by members (all Landowners from Arnhem Land SFM project areas are eligible to be members). This representation from different ‘Wards’ within Arnhem Land creates legitimacy for the organisation by establishing Indigenous led ‘two-way governance’ for the decision-making and direction of the organisation. ALFA members elect Directors, who are then in charge of giving powers to executives. These powers can be withdrawn at any time. The ALFA Board receives training and mentoring about corporate governance processes from an independent governance consultant at Board meetings to ensure iterative training for successive Directors, ensuring awareness of responsibilities and processes for accountability within and beyond the organisation. This reduces the reliance on the executive to outline and uphold corporate decision-making processes. Incorporating intercultural governance processes that support both Indigenous and western governance priorities and imperatives are a critical component of this external advisory support.
Whilst current non-Indigenous executive staff within the organisation have long-established relationships within Arnhem Land, the long-term viability of ALFA and the IRGs requires continued focus and investment in the development of effective ‘two-way governance’, with experienced Directors and a pipeline of capable executives to work with their Boards to undertake brokering roles that rely on thorough processes of intercultural and corporate accountability. Independent governance consultants can help to address organisational turnover, ongoingcorporate governance training requirements and power imbalances betweenthe Board of Directors and executive staff.
The Senior Ranger is a leadership position established across IRGs in Arnhem Land. Senior Rangers have substantial cultural authority and recognised knowledge in their community, coordinating the communications and operations of the IRG in accordance with cultural priorities, optimising ‘the right people in the right place’ for Landowner consultations and the cultural practice and intergenerational knowledge transfer opportunities on Country during operations. These cultural priorities are often not explicitly supported in IRG programs funded by the State (Yap and Yu 2016; Austin et al. 2018; Macdonald 2019). During the first 7 years of ALFA operations, discretionary funds through carbon market engagement have been reinvested into cultural priorities such as Women’s IRGs, Rock Art Programs and further employment and equipment for IRG activities (ALFA (Arnhem Land Fire Abatement NT Ltd) 2022).
The decision-making space between the Ranger Coordinator and the Senior Ranger is a significant site of two-way knowledge production in the governance of the Arnhem Land SFM projects. Operations are also intercultural, with emphasis placed on two-way science to accommodate western ideas of land management into Indigenous land management practices. The Ranger Coordinator, generally a non-Indigenous tertiary educated employee, is central to successful IRG operations through the coordination of logistics, funding and resourcing support. The low level of discussion and reference to the Ranger Coordinator role in interviews (n = 30% refs = 4) indicates a significant gap in the contemporary Arnhem Land IRG governance ecosystem, further addressed in the discussion. The focus of Arnhem Land leaders when discussing SFM project governance was solely on the cultural significance of the Senior Ranger role.
In Arnhem Land SFM projects, Aboriginal people with the required Western Knowledge to take intercultural leadership positions, such as the Ranger Coordinator role within the IRG, appear to be prioritising the Senior Ranger role to focus on the practice and transfer of Indigenous Knowledge to future generations. The Senior Ranger role is internally focused, with significant cultural knowledge required to perform the role. This prioritisation of the Knowledge system most at risk and holding the highest value to the place-based community puts Aboriginal leaders in a difficult position: they forego the opportunity to straddle intercultural divides and build bridges between Knowledge systems.
Although local Indigenous applicants are preferred for Ranger Coordinator roles, most Ranger Coordinators are tertiary educated, non-Indigenous or non-local Indigenous staff that move to the community for their employment period. This fact, coupled with the role’s demands, often leads to high turnover rates in Ranger Coordinator positions, contrasting with the locally based Ranger staff. This can create leadership turbulence within IRGs that affects work programs for months or years. This goes on to affect employment opportunities, funding opportunities and land management outcomes for the local community. It can also work against effective operation, governance, and economic viability of contracted IRGs in SFM projects.
ALFA and the discretionary income produced by SFM projects assist in managing this risk through additional support for operations and communications for IRGs within the partnership. ALFA also provides external partnership opportunities at an alternative institutional scale, constraining the ability of individual Ranger Coordinators to dominate or jeopardise external relationships (Woodward 2008). The Ranger Coordinator has apowerful role in establishing and maintaining relationships and opportunities for IRGs through external partnerships. Recruiting local Aboriginal people to the community-based Ranger Coordinator brokering role facilitates bridging Western and Indigenous Knowledge systems and promotes long-term commitment to the region. This would improve the potential for long-term stability in the role and greater capacity building in the region (Woodward 2008; Robinson and Wallington 2012). Future research to understand the barriers to recruiting local Aboriginal people into the Ranger Coordinator role would be valuable.
A future priority for interview participants in this research is to establish autonomous land management agencies at a scale that captures culturally meaningful relationships in decision-making. Delivering specialised services for the business and administration of ecosystem service economies whilst enabling decision-making at a people–place scale creates tension in the governance of organisations in Arnhem Land. The organisational alignments required to engage with carbon markets have triggered innovation over the last decade, with the emergence of ALFA and three IRGs within Arnhem Land that have moved from being administered through a remote or local hosting entity (refer Figs 3–5) to independent IRG governance at a people–place scale. Governance ecosystems in Arnhem Land will likely undergo further innovation to accommodate hybrid customary and State economies to access market opportunities such as contracted land and sea management, biodiversity conservation and nature repair, climate change and carbon, as Landowners negotiate their terms of engagement with these opportunities (Altman 2010; Curchin 2015).
Efforts to decentralise toward people–place scale land management may be destabilised if existing bureaucracies or local organisations move to maintain or increase their influence over the resources generated by SFM projects (Cumming et al. 2020), and the fragmentation of representation toward a localised scale may diminish effective regional representation (Smith 2011). Promoting and maintaining desired independent decision-making over land management priorities will require bespoke arrangements and long-term support from regional and national organisations committed to developing hybrid nature-based livelihoods.
Conclusion
The multi-level governance network of SFM projects in Arnhem Land works successfully with existing and novel institutions to meet the bespoke place-based requirements of Indigenous Landowners. The discretionary income from the carbon market enables the inclusion of Aboriginal cultural priorities often excluded from State-funded land management programs. The long-term delivery of valued outcomes requires identifying collective choice options that enable decision-making between Landowners and IRGs. It can be anticipated that Landowner priority to establish independent and sustainable IRG governance arrangements at a place-based scale will only grow as access to discretionary capital through the ecosystem service market increases. Ensuring appropriate support to projects from regional and national institutions committed to developing Indigenous-held lands will facilitate a transition to sustainable independence at place-based scales.
The Arnhem Land emissions abatement projects demonstrate governance attributes for intercultural brokering that have successfully delivered Landowner aspirations at a regional scale over the past decade. This model embeds Aboriginal community leadership across multiple governance levels, successfully linking Landowners to ecosystem service markets. For communal landholders seeking to engage in the ecosystem service economy, Arnhem Land Fire Abatement projects demonstrate consensual governance arrangements that have enabled the pursuit of place-based priorities through accessing and developing emerging markets.
Data availability
Datasets that support this study will be shared upon reasonable request to the corresponding author.
Conflicts of interest
Jeremy Russell-Smith is a guest editor of this special issue of the International Journal of Wildland Fire. To mitigate this potential conflict of interest he did not have any editor-level access to this paper during peer review. The authors declare no other conflicts of interest.
Declaration of Funding
The Australian Government provided a Research Training Program (RTP) scholarship to the corresponding author for this research.
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Footnotes
1 Under the Commonwealth of Australia’s Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act (1976), the Northern Land Council has statutory obligations to ascertain and express the wishes of Aboriginal peoples about the management of their land, assist Aboriginal people to carry out commercial activities and negotiate on behalf of traditional owners with peoples interested in using Aboriginal land or land under claim, in addition to other responsibilities. The Northern Land Council hosts 12 IRGs across the Top End of the Northern Territory: two are involved in Arnhem Land emissions abatement projects (NLC (Northern Land Council) 2023).