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RESEARCH ARTICLE

Barriers to engagement with testing for sexually transmitted infections within a UK-based young adult Black Caribbean community: a qualitative study

Gemma Heath https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1569-5576 A * , Kiranpal Kaur A , Claire Farrow A , Jonathan D. C. Ross B and Rebecca Clarke C
+ Author Affiliations
- Author Affiliations

A School of Psychology, Aston University, Birmingham, UK.

B University Hospitals Birmingham NHS Foundation Trust, Birmingham, UK.

C School of Psychological Science, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK.

* Correspondence to: g.heath1@aston.ac.uk

Handling Editor: Jacqueline Coombe

Sexual Health 21, SH23166 https://doi.org/10.1071/SH23166
Submitted: 16 September 2023  Accepted: 16 February 2024  Published: 4 March 2024

© 2024 The Author(s) (or their employer(s)). Published by CSIRO Publishing

Abstract

Background

The Black Caribbean population have a disproportionately high burden of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) compared with other ethnic groups. The aim of this study was to explore barriers to engagement with STI testing within a UK-based young adult Black Caribbean community.

Methods

Semi-structured interviews were carried out with 14 young adults from the Black Caribbean community and six sexual healthcare professionals. Data were analysed thematically. A focus group of five young adults was conducted to refine themes.

Results

Data analysis generated three themes: (1) culturally embedded stigma; (2) historically embedded mistrust; and (3) lack of knowledge. Perceived as ‘dirty’, particularly for females, infection with STIs was stigmatised by religious conceptions of ‘purity’ and shame. This presented challenges in terms of cultural acceptability of talking about STI testing with partners, friends, and family. Legacies of colonialism, medical racism and malpractice compromised young people’s trust in medical intervention and confidentiality of data management. A lack of knowledge related to STIs and their treatment, and in how to access and perform STI tests further served as a barrier. Culturally tailored interventions targeting these factors and delivered by radio, podcasts and social media were highlighted as having potential to improve engagement with STI testing.

Discussion

Engagement with STI testing by young adults from the Black Caribbean community is impacted by historically and culturally embedded teachings, practices and beliefs inherited through generations. Targeting these factors within culturally tailored interventions may be effective for increasing STI-testing, and thus reducing rates of STI-infection in this population.

Keywords: black and ethnic minority, interview, public health, qualitative, sexual health, sexually transmitted infections, STI testing, young adults.

Background

The Black Caribbean population have a disproportionately high burden of sexually tansmitted infections (STIs) in the United Kingdom (UK).13 Compared with the White British population, people of Black Caribbean heritage are eight times more likely to contract gonorrhoea and six times more likely to contract syphilis.4 Recent public health data from England also confirms higher rates of chlamydia, trichomoniasis and genital herpes in Black Caribbeans compared with other UK populations, including other Black ethnic groups (Black African, Other Black, Mixed).5 In addition to this ethnic inequality, rates of STIs are currently at an all-time high in young people, putting young adults from Black minority groups at double the risk.5

Research shows that while increased risk of STI in people of Black Caribbean ethnicity is associated with previous STI diagnosis and younger age, there are no unique clinical or behavioural factors explaining the disproportionately high rates of infection.2 Socio-cultural, structural and socio-economic factors have therefore been suggested to influence the complex drivers of increased incidence of STIs in this group,4,6 including the role of sexual networks.7 Evidence suggests that sexual networks, specifically partner concurrency, can influence the size and speed at which STIs spread within any population.8 A qualitative study conducted with Black Caribbeans in England identified a range of factors influencing partner concurrency including gender and relationship norms, as well as popular music and social media, especially among men and young people.8

High levels of stigma and shame have further been identified as impacting engagement with STI testing and treatment across a range of ethnic groups, including people of Black Caribbean heritage,7,9 alongside cultural and religious beliefs.10 Research also suggests limitations in knowledge about the options available for STI testing11 and limited STI prevention education.8,12 While not unique to the Black Caribbean community, these factors continue to determine STI testing among Black ethnic groups. Theories including social cognitive theory and the theory of gender and power, have been applied to understand STI prevention,13 although interventions specifically targeting STI testing in the young Black population are limited.14

There remains a need to understand the underlying cause of high rates of STI in young people of Black Caribbean decent, and specifically, what the barriers are to STI testing in this group. Such information is needed to design effective approaches to prevention, increase rates of diagnosis and reduce disease prevalence, in addition to reducing sexual health disparities.15 The aim of our study was to explore barriers to engagement with STI testing within a UK-based young adult Black Caribbean population.

Materials and methods

Design

A qualitative design, within an interpretative framework, was adopted using individual semi-structured interviews and one focus group. This approach was appropriate for exploring, in-depth, the beliefs and experiences of young people and health professionals regarding engagement with STI-testing.

Sampling and recruitment

Purposive and convenience sampling was used to recruit young adults (aged 16–25 years) who self-identified as being of Black Caribbean heritage, aiming to generate variation in gender and sexual orientation. Health professionals with experience of working with young adults who use sexual health services were also sampled, bringing a complimentary perspective. Participants were recruited from a large, UK city-based National Health Service (NHS) sexual health clinic and local university, using study specific advertising materials including in-clinic posters, text message and email invitation. The study was also advertised on the sexual health service website and associated social media, as well as via a local university newsletter.

Prospective participants were invited to contact the research team to express their interest in taking part. In response, they were emailed a study pack including an information sheet and link to an online consent form and demographic sheet, before arranging a time for interview. A favourable review from an NHS Research Ethics Committee was obtained prior to data collection (#22/NS/0019).

Data collection

Data were collected from July 2022 to March 2023, using individual semi-structured interviews and one focus group, both conducted via video-call (Microsoft Teams). A focus group was convened after completion of individual interviews to sense-check our initial analysis, gain additional insights, and to support recommendations for intervention. Data collection was carried out by trained female, qualitative researchers. Interviews were conducted by GH and RC and the focus group by KK. Interviews lasted between 40 min and 65 min, and the focus group lasted 75 min. Both were audio-recorded with consent, and field notes taken. A schedule of semi-structured questions developed with reference to study objectives and existing literature was used to guide data collection on barriers and facilitators to STI testing and how young adults from the Black Caribbean community could be supported to engage with STI testing. Focus group participants were invited to share their views on our initial analysis of interview data, enabling us to refine the themes. Using key quotes from interviews to steer the discussion, topics related to issues of stigmatisation, cultural influences, access and availability and relationships. Participants were debriefed at the end of each interview/focus group and given a £10 voucher to thank them for their time.

Data analysis

Recorded data were transcribed verbatim and analysed thematically.16 Interview data underwent preliminary inductive analysis including reading and reviewing transcripts, noting of ideas, loose generation of codes and grouping to themes, and utilising discussion within the research team. Ideas generated at this stage of analysis were then used as a basis for the focus group discussion. Once all data had been collected, transcripts were subject to the formal stages of an inductive thematic analysis.16 The first step comprised familiarisation through repeated reading, where initial thoughts and ideas were documented within transcript margins. Individual transcripts were coded by chunking the data at salient points and ascribing labels, first at a descriptive level and then more interpretively. Codes were assigned by KK, based on their salience to the research questions, with a sub-set of transcripts independently coded by GH and discussed with JR. Following coding refinement, codes were grouped to generate tentative themes that reflected patterns within and across the data. Themes were then reviewed before being given titles and selecting illustrative quotations.

Reflexivity

GH and RC are White British female academics with experience of conducting qualitative health research with a range of population groups; they collected and analysed interview data. KK is a British Asian female researcher with qualitative research experience who collected and analysed focus group (and interview) data. JR is a White British male and Professor of Sexual Health and HIV and a Consultant Physician, and CF is a White British female academic and Professor in psychology; both JR and CF contributed to the analysis and final write up. Collectively, the research team brought to the analysis, their training in psychology, medicine and public health. Being aware of this, and our different cultural upbringings to the participant group, we actively reflected on our presuppositions through personal and group journalling, discussing the influence of our cultural and educational backgrounds on our analysis. The decision to add a focus group with a set of different young people following interviews came from these reflective practices, aiming to sense check our interpretations with additional members of the participant group.

Results

Participants

Twenty-five participants were recruited, which consisted of 19 Black Caribbean young adults (aged 19–25 years) and 6 sexual healthcare professionals. Of the young adults, 16 took part in individual interviews and 5 in the follow-up focus group. In total, young adults consisted of 16 females and males, 15 of whom were university students and 4 in full-time employment/self-employed. Sixteen young adults identified as single, with three in a relationship but not co-habiting. Sixteen participants identified as heterosexual, two as gay and one as bi-sexual. Thirteen young people identified as Christian, two as Muslim and four as either no religion or preferred not to say. The six health care professionals recruited included three nurses, a doctor, clinical educator and health advisor. Years in the role ranged from 9 months to 20 years (Tables 1 and 2).

Table 1.Young adult (YA) participants.

ParticipantAge (years)GenderReligionSexual orientationRelationship statusEmployment statusData collection
YA120FemaleChristianGaySingleStudentInterview
YA225MaleChristianHeterosexualSinglePart-time employmentInterview
YA324FemaleChristianHeterosexualIn a relationship – not co-habitingFull-time employmentInterview
YA423FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudentInterview
YA521FemaleNo religionHeterosexualSingleStudent/part-time employmentInterview
YA620FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudentInterview
YA723MaleNo religionGaySingleFull-time employmentInterview
YA824FemalePrefer not to sayBi-sexualIn a relationship – not co-habitingSelf-employedInterview
YA919FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudentInterview
YA1019MaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudent/full-time employmentInterview
YA1119FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudent/part-time employmentInterview
YA1219FemaleChristianHeterosexualIn a relationship not co-habitingStudentInterview
YA1319FemalePrefer not to sayHeterosexualSingleStudentInterview
YA1419FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudentInterview
YA1519FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudent/part-time employmentFocus Group
YA1619FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleUnemployedFocus Group
YA1721FemaleMuslimHeterosexualSingleStudent/part-time employmentFocus Group
YA1819FemaleMuslimHeterosexualSingleStudentFocus Group
YA1919FemaleChristianHeterosexualSingleStudentFocus Group
Table 2.Healthcare professional (HCP) participants.

ParticipantProfessionSpecialityDuration in roleData collection
HCP1Health advisorSexual health9 monthsInterview
HCP2Clinical educatorSexual health1 yearInterview
HCP3Senior research nurseSexual health20 yearsInterview
HCP4NurseSexual health10 yearsInterview
HCP5Sexual health sister (nurse)Sexual health2.5 yearsInterview
HCP6Speciality doctor in genitourinary and HIV medicineSexual health10 yearsInterview

Thematic findings

Analysis generated three themes: (1) culturally embedded stigma; (2) historically embedded mistrust; and (3) lack of knowledge.

Theme 1: culturally embedded stigma

Perceived as ‘dirty’ by young people, STIs were stigmatised by religious conceptions of ‘purity’ and shame. By association, this stigma extended to STI testing as an indicator of purity, with female participants describing a fear of being negatively characterised as ‘unpure’ (YA13, YA16) based on their need to carry out an STI test. Such purity myths and associated feelings of shame impacted these women’s decision-making with regards STI testing, instead choosing not to test to avoid stigmatisation by themselves and others.

YA13: it kind of makes me feel like almost dirty and like unpure in a way… I don’t like the idea of like being tested or anyone know that I have to, have to like test myself in case I’m like, I don’t know, nasty, like I don’t know, that’s how I think of it in my head, that it’s like kind of disgusting… it’s a bit more embarrassing. (Female, age 19 years, interview)

When invited to elaborate on the religious origins of impurity, focus group participants highlighted a spiritual belief system prevalent within the Black Caribbean community relating to ‘soul ties‘ or ‘invisible chains’ that tie people together when they have sex. Beliefs about multiple partners being bad for the soul again instigated feelings of shame within the young women who did have multiple sexual partners. STIs and STI testing behaviour was therefore perceived as a negative karmic consequence of ‘shameful’ sexual behaviour.

Stigma was recognised by health professionals who acknowledged embarrassment attached to attending STI clinics which can ‘put off a lot of people’ as they are very ‘public’ places (HCP6). However, there was less indication from professionals that they understood the deep-rooted cultural nuances of this stigma, over and above general stigma related to STI clinic attendance.

YA16: having multiple soul ties is not good for you spiritually because your soul is no longer your soul, it’s a mixture of your soul and other people’s soul that you’ve had sex with. So not only does it make you unpure, you’re developing an STI from having multiple sexual partners, makes you dirty. (Female, age 19 years, focus group)

Throughout young people’s accounts, there appeared to be a disconnect between the conservative values of abstinence and the sexual liberation of a younger generation. For many, religious teachings prohibiting sex before marriage were viewed as strict; ‘black mums can be quite tough’ (HCP5) or outdated and misaligned with how young people viewed their own rights. Nevertheless, navigating or challenging these intergenerational beliefs was described as difficult by young people, preferring instead to conceal their sexual behaviour or engage in ‘less risky’ behaviours (e.g. non-penetrative sex) than face judgement by family and community members.

Female participants further discussed differences in gender norms within the Black Caribbean community. Specifically, this related to double standards in what was regarded as acceptable sexual behaviour by males and females, for example, number of sexual partners or concurrent partners. Participants highlighted that while women were often labelled as ‘dirty’ (YA17) for having multiple sexual partners, men with multiple sexual partners were praised. Rather than being conceived as a responsible act, STI testing was then, again considered an indication of being ‘dirty’ particularly for women.

YA17: it was very much like ‘oh have you taken an STI test?’ And when he asked me, I didn’t get offended because obviously that’s a valid question but for him when I asked him, he kind of got defensive and was like ‘oh do you think I’m dirty?’ …it was kind of an awkward conversation… because it is a very taboo subject. (Female, age 21 years, focus group)

Peer support facilitated engagement with STI testing, with those participants who felt able to openly discuss their sexual health with others, more likely to engage with STI testing than those who did not talk about these issues. This was supported by health professionals’ experiences. However, many young people reported not feeling able to discuss sexual health with peers or family, seeing it as a forbidden subject.

YA8: I could never mention anything like that, even to cousins, siblings, parents, I couldn’t mention anything like that, or aunties, because there is that taboo around that. (Female, age 24 years, interview)

Further barriers to STI testing related to help-seeking behaviour more generally. Specifically, these beliefs centred on the collective view that Black Caribbeans ‘do not ask for help’, perhaps, as one participant suggested, because ‘we feel silenced’ (YA13) or perhaps related to perceptions of medical suspicion and mistrust (see theme 2). Such beliefs often led to preferences for, and normalisation of, self-care and home remedies over medical tests and treatment.

YA9: I feel like the way we’re raised, we’re raised to like deal with everything, like not with any doctors or anything, like it’s just dealt with, ‘oh, yeah, it will go away or pass by. Like you’ll be fine,’ kind of thing. But sometimes you might actually need their help. Especially with like, the way I grew up, whenever I was sick or had something wrong with me, my mum would most likely just treat it and it did end up going away. (Female, age 19 years, interview)

Theme 2: historically embedded mistrust

Legacies of colonialism, medical racism and malpractice, that were deep-rooted and passed down through generations, compromised young people’s trust in medical intervention and confidentiality of their information. To protect themselves, young adults often disengaged from services perceived as presenting a risk to their health (medicalised testing and treatment) or a risk to their personal data being shared without consent.

YA5: If historically there is a history of black people being harmed medically and being used medically, then, you know, the new generation are going to hear about it and think that something’s going on again, because we tend to believe in history repeating itself and we hold that, we hold that like, I don’t know it’s a bit, it’s a bit personal for us you know, you’re told by your family members and it’s that information that’s relayed from one generation to another. (Female, age 21 years, interview)

YA18: In my family, there’s a lot of, don’t give your DNA or data out to anyone because you don’t know what they could do with it. So, I think conspiracy theories, generation, going through generations, I think that’s a factor into why they wouldn’t want to get tested. (Female, age 19 years, focus group)

Mistrust in the health professions was also understood as part of a wider cultural mistrust of authorities. Young people spoke of ensuring the clinic or test is ‘actually safe’ and ‘ethics’ are being followed. As discussed by YA13, not sharing data was inherited as a strategy to avoid discrimination and abuse of power. Use of the collective in describing such views (e.g. ‘we... black people…’) suggested a strong sense of community identity, as a collective against ‘authoritative’ figures.

YA13: Black people, I think as well we kind of feel we are hard to trust, like I wouldn’t, just like I wouldn’t call the police if I had an issue, like first I’d probably call my family or friends and then the police, maybe like the same as if I had an issue with my body I wouldn’t really want to go to the GP just because I think Black people like their own business to themself and we don’t really like asking for help, especially from like people of authority because then that is like its own issue, like they can become very racist when they have authority and we feel silenced but, I don’t know, yeah, health is a bit like different but it is kind of similar, like I would relate it just as much to like the police, like how much we trust them, we just don’t trust people in our business. (Female, age 19 years, interview)

Heath professionals acknowledged the issue of mistrust within the community, suggesting they took time to explain and demystify procedures, for example, reinforcing confidentiality and equality in treatment of service-users. However, HCPs placed more emphasis on fears related to breach of anonymity and confidentiality, particularly for STI home-testing kits where there were risks of partners or friends intercepting kits/results and behaviours being disclosed to family or friends. While this was a concern for young adults, mistrust extended beyond fear of personal information being shared with partners and families, to fears about ‘history repeating itself’ (YA5) in terms of the misuse of medical intervention.

Theme 3: lack of knowledge

For many of the young adults, limited knowledge regarding STI symptoms and treatments, including how to access STI tests, presented a barrier to STI testing. As such, young people suggested they would rather wait and respond to a discomforting symptom, than engage with proactive STI testing. STI testing was therefore viewed as an option of last resort. Although personal responsibility for increasing knowledge about STIs and testing was acknowledged, approximately half of the young adults expressed a need for improved sexual health education at school or college, as well as via public health campaigns. The need for education was particularly identified in relation to the process of STI testing; i.e. the how as well as the why.

YA12: I’m not really educated much on STI testing which probably may seem like a downfall and I feel like in that case for like probably other individuals who relate with a lack of knowledge like myself, you would wait till like the final call or till you feel like a symptom to actually build up the courage to actually go, find an establishment and go in there. (Female, age 19 years, interview)

Health professionals supported a need for education, as well as identifying a need to correct misinformation, which was recognised as being inherited from peers or older generations; many describing encounters in clinical practice where misinformation had led to delays in testing and treatment.

HCP1: So ultimately, I just think it’s like a generational issue and it has to be this generation of youth that get the information, otherwise it’s going to end up being the exact same issue for the youth’s children, when they have them, they’re just going to be none the wiser again. So, it’s, yeah, it really needs to be, like I really, really wish that schools and education settings did more about it and made it less of like a laughing matter as well, made it quite serious for people to understand like the ramifications of not getting treated, of getting an STI and leaving it and the health issues it can cause. (Health Advisor, interview)

Participants explored potential outlets for a campaign to support engagement with STI testing within the young Black Caribbean population. Specifically, participants identified use of podcasts, culturally targeted radio stations and social media. TikTok, which compiles short videos for users to watch, was frequently highlighted by young people as their preferred social media platform. Young people raised the importance of ‘capturing the person’s attention within the first milliseconds’ (YA10).

YA12: I’m like an active individual on social media, especially like TikTok. I would say using such a platform to actually help educate people. (Female, age 19 years, interview)

YA6: TikTok is very influential on like our age group at the moment, like everyone’s on it, you spend hours on it and as you scroll you come across ads and a lot of the times the ads will catch your attention. (Female, age 20 years, interview)

Content of the proposed STI testing campaign was strongly recommended to include representation from Black Caribbean communities, with emphasis on discretion and confidentiality of STI-testing; and guidance on how to access and perform tests. Somebody who ‘looks like me’ (YA3, YA6, YA7) was a common thread regarding social media content, however it was stressed that this needed to be presented in a balanced way, so as not to ‘single out’ the Black Caribbean community as problematic.

YA6: Especially if you know, they contain people that look like me so if there’s anyone black I kind of think, oh what’s this about, like oh, what are they talking about, so I think that would be a great very effective way to actually portray the message of testing and the importance of it. (Female, age 20 years, interview)

Other approaches to increasing awareness and knowledge of STI testing included integrating sexual healthcare education into established community structures, for example, by reaching out to community leaders in faith-based settings (churches and Sunday schools) as well as locations such as hairdressers and barbers or Caribbean shops.

Discussion

Findings show that decades of socio-culturally embedded knowledge and behaviours designed to protect the Black Caribbean communities from external threat continue to influence young people’s STI testing behaviour today. While some of the factors we identified are also applicable to groups other than those of black Caribbean heritage (e.g. gendered differences in attitudes towards sex, social stigma, limitations in knowledge17), others (e.g. mistrust as a legacy of medical racism and malpractice; religious and cultural nuances of stigma) are specific to the Black Caribbean population and would therefore benefit from targeted intervention.

Our findings, along with those from previous studies, indicate high levels of stigma, rooted in conservative religious traditions, create a barrier to STI testing in young Black Caribbean adults.18 Perceptions of STIs and by association, STI testing, as a marker of purity in women are consistent with previous research examining restrictive norms in young people from communities that prohibit premarital sex.19 Our findings extend this understanding of gendered norms with regards to sexual behaviour, to also include preventative sexual health behaviours within the Black Caribbean ethnic group, indicating the intersectionality of gender, ethnicity, and age as a target for intervention.

Protecting personal data and DNA from unauthorised use were further expressed as concerns and therefore barriers to STI testing by young people in our study. These concerns were embedded in the cultural intergenerational traumas of mistreatment by medical science. It is well-documented that the Black population have for centuries endured institutional racism,20,21 medical neglect22 and involuntary medical treatments.22,23 Such harm, manufactured by the healthcare industry has deeply impacted the community, causing widespread distrust towards healthcare institutions, including STI testing and treatments. Understanding this historical context is crucial for understanding barriers to STI testing,24 yet very few health theories or interventions have attempted to link historical trauma and preventative sexual health behaviour among Black young people in the present day.13 Future interventions are recommended to target these factors.

Lack of knowledge about STI testing in the young adult Black Caribbean population is not unique to this ethnic group; however, strategies for increasing knowledge in this population will require sensitivity to culturally embedded mistrust and misinformation. Information campaigns delivered via social media or radio, as well as reaching out to community spaces were recommended by our young adult participants, supporting existing findings that young people are keen to learn about sexual health through a range of media.25,26 Our findings show that messaging will need to focus on building trust as well as demystifying the process of testing. Information will need to be presented in a balanced way to avoid inadvertently perpetuating stereotypes and include representation from people of Black Caribbean heritage.

Implications for practice

Community-based participatory approaches are the gold standard for developing interventions for under-served communities.27 Co-producing interventions with Black Caribbean stakeholders as full and equitable partners is therefore essential for ensuring relevance and acceptability of future interventions.28 Previous research shows the impact community-tailored radio stations can have on increasing awareness of medical and healthcare research,29 although a study by Jenkins et al.30 did not find a significant difference in STI testing kits being ordered during and post-radio advert, highlighting the challenges in achieving behaviour change. Nevertheless, integrating sexual health information into established community structures has been shown to be feasible and trusted by attendees in Caribbean countries, when managed sensitively.31Table 3 presents ideas for intervention strategies based on our qualitative findings.

Table 3.Key findings and ideas for intervention.

ThemesBarriers to STI testingIdeas for co-produced intervention contentIdeas for intervention co-delivery
Culturally embedded stigmaSTIs stigmatised by cultural conceptions of purity and shame. Challenges regarding cultural acceptability of talking about STIs, tests and treatments.Normalise STI testing through open discussion by relevant role models; model how to talk about STIs and STI testing by credible sources (e.g. celebrities/musicians relevant to young BC population).Multi-media campaigns (podcasts, social media posts/videos, radio, TV/cinema adverts, billboards).
Historically embedded mistrustLegacies of colonialism, medical racism and malpractice have compromised young people’s trust in medical intervention and confidentiality of data management.Acknowledge and address historical context of medical racism and malpractice; actively rebuild trust regarding intervention and confidentiality; demonstrate how data is effectively protected and managed.Seminars in schools, colleges and universities; dramatisation; social media videos and posts by culturally accessible credible sources.
Lack of knowledgeA lack of knowledge related to STIs and their treatment, and in how to access and perform STI tests.Increase knowledge about STI transmission, prevention, symptoms, treatment and health consequences; demonstrate where, when and how to access STI tests and treatments.Digital campaigns (targeted social media averts and videos containing meaningful and digestible information).

Strengths and limitations

This study highlights the importance of understanding socio-historical and cultural norms that are unique to the black Caribbean community, for understanding barriers to STI testing in this group. It is one of very few qualitative studies conducted specifically with young adults of Black Caribbean ethnicity.12 The study included a varied sample; however, we recognise limitations in our understanding of the heterogeneity of the sample. Further research should be mindful of the multitude of communities and heterogeneous cultures within the UK Black Caribbean population (e.g. first, second, third generation; Spanish/French/Dutch speaking heritage). There was also an over-representation of female participants in our sample and those who were either employed or at university, as well as a lack of data collected on correlation between gender identity and sex assigned at birth. We may therefore have missed insights from a wider range of Black Caribbean young adults including those who are socio-economically deprived or with poorer educational attainment. Further research is recommended to actively involve these marginalised groups through a process of co-production. Future studies should also collect data on health professional ethnicity, to support understanding of the impact of professional cultural background on therapeutic relationships.

Conclusion

Culturally and historically embedded factors, unique to the Black Caribbean community and passed down through generations impact young people’s choices regarding STI testing. Targeting these factors within co-produced and culturally tailored interventions may be more effective for increasing STI testing (and thus reducing rates of STI infection) in the young adult, Black Caribbean population.

Data availability

Data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author.

Conflicts of interest

Jonathan Ross reports personal fees from GSK Pharma and Bayer Consumer Care; ownership of shares in GSK Pharma and AstraZeneca Pharma; lead author of the UK and European Guidelines on Pelvic Inflammatory Disease; Member of the European Sexually Transmitted Infections Guidelines Editorial Board; Editor of NIHR Journals, and Associate Editor of Sexually Transmitted Infections journal; treasurer for the International Union against Sexually Transmitted Infections and chair of charity trustees for the Sexually Transmitted Infections Research Foundation. The other authors report no conflicts of interest.

Declaration of funding

This study was funded by University Hospitals Birmingham NHS Foundation Trust.

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